on manhattan projects...
As a young man I first encountered Fr. Schmemann through his books, especially For the Life of the World, Of Water and the Spirit, and The Historical Road of Eastern Orthodoxy (all published by St. Vladimir's Press). Later we would occasionally share the platform at ecumenical conferences, but I did not get to know him well until the days in Connecticut that produced “The Hartford Appeal for Theological Affirmation” of 1975....
When Peter Berger and I organized the Hartford initiative, we very much wanted Fr. Alexander to be part of it, and his participation was vital to its success. He contributed an essay to the book that came out of that effort, Against the World for the World. It was titled “East and West May Yet Meet: Hartford and the Future of Orthodoxy.” Now I discover from the journals that he was not as fully participant in Hartford as I had assumed. Right after the meeting, on September 7, 1975, he wrote, “In spite of a friendly atmosphere, I strongly felt my Orthodox alienation from all the debates, from their very spirit. Orthodoxy is often imprisoned by evil and sin. The Christian West is imprisoned by heresies—not one of them, in the long run, goes unpunished.” (The Hartford Appeal criticized ideas in American Christianity that were “pervasive, false, and debilitating.”) I was surprised by that entry, for in later conversations he indicated such strong support for Hartford. Maybe he later changed his mind. Maybe not. The journals do not say.
- from, A Man in Full, Fr. Richard John Neuhaus' excellent review of Fr. Alexander Schmemann's Journals.
When I first read this passage, I thought it a concise summary of the posture of each of these great men. Neuhaus was the consummate activist. During his lifetime he energetically participated in scores of Statements, usually named after a city, which were deemed by their supporters as "historic" and "courageous" and "prophetic," all of which are now forgotten, with none of the signers persecuted much at all, thus far.
It is obvious from what is written in the Journals that Schmemann thought the Hartford scheme, if you may allow me the use a technical term of ecclesio-politics, not lacking in bullshit. Hartford was one of those theological Statements (it was an attack on modernist diminishments of theology), Neuhaus would go on to take part in political statements as well, and to help craft the Evangelicals and Catholics Together club, which would issue Statements regarding both theological and political matters.
It is no surprise that the drafters of the recent Manhattan Declaration were all very active in the Evangelicals and Catholics Together project. Their involvement with the mechanism of the Statement seems to be an attempt to present a more intellectually respectable version of the Religious Right to the Public Square. Every few years these fellows come up with a new Statement. 5 years from now, no one will remember the Manhattan Declaration. For those who did not sign it, forgetfulness will come in a matter of days or weeks. The Declaration will bring no changes in public policy, it will change no minds, it will do little more than preach to the choir. But solidifying the base is an integral part of politics today. It can be argued that the "prophetic" quality of the Declaration trumps all of these utilitarian concerns, and that is certainly the best argument for these things. Even when preaching to the choir it is a good thing to remind Christians that we may soon have to go to jail because of our beliefs. On that account, I do appreciate the Declaration's forthrightness and I think it is better written than some other Statements I have read, though it does read as committeespeak (not exactly Letter from Birmingham Jail here), and it does irritate me when neo-cons like George make reference to MLKJr. as precedent. Of course, Sider is among the first signers, which warms the heart of an ochlophobist who grew up American Baptist.
Is there virtue in reminding readers of the New York Times that intelligent contrarians still exist in the Public Square? I suppose there is always worth in public displays of intelligent contrarianism, even if the protocols for that sort of thing are so _______________ (fill in name of city) stilted.
My inclinations remain with Schmemann. These Statements will not in the slightest bring about a change in culture, and in a certain sense, they seem to affirm the current cultural order. I once wrote that a nation with this many manicured lawns necessitates abortion - Moloch demands to be paid for the entertainments he provides us. A neo-Cath/neo-con blogger who really gets behind these sorts of Statements chided me for that. Chuck Colson will push this Declaration on CCM radio stations and in Christianity Today, media committed to presenting Christianity in a glossy mimesis of pop America. Bobby George will go on defending American imperialism and the spiritual benefits of gratuitous consumption.
In the Preamble of the Declaration, for every modern instance mentioned in which Christians played a part in a social movement (abolition, suffrage, civil rights, etc.), one can find plenty of Christians who opposed those movements, and claimed to do so on the basis of theological principles. For the good hearted agnostic who is wondering whether or not Christians qua Christians should have a place in the Public Square, one can understand how it would seem to turn into a useless enterprise - for all these positions (abortion, marriage, etc.) you have persons claiming to be Christians who argue, on the basis of revelation and their own faith's praxis, for position x, and you have other Christians arguing for position y. As no Christian group in this country has, in theory, a moral authority deemed to be higher than that of any other group, it would seem all of these contrary religious authorities cancel each other out. For the moral voice of a faith to provide direction to law, that faith must be intrinsic to the culture. In a sense, those Evangelicals who argue that the Founders believed as today's Evangelicals believe intuit this notion, and when they, via vehicles such as the Christian Coalition, argue that most Americans default back to Evangelicalish moral positions, they at least "get" that there needs to be a consistent and coherent relationship between a faith and a culture in order for the faith to have the place to flex moral muscles. But, unfortunately for those Evangelicals, history does not bear their current witness, nor does the current religious mileu bear their demographic hopes. I would hold that for the the largest bulk of Americans, but not the majority, Evangelicalism provides the default emotional/nostalgic sense of religion, but for most of these it is not a moral guide in the sense these conservatives want it to be, nor is it in any real sense an authority.
Perhaps the most articulate and serious theory of how Christians could well operate within the American democratic order came from the Catholic John Courtney Murray. I wonder if this statement is a small sign that Murray's thesis, in the end, has been seen to fail. Murray's notion that there is a distinction to be made between the moral aspects of policy and the political feasibility of a given policy position, and the resulting (via Murray's disciples) determination that Christians can thus disagree on policy issues such as the legalization of the murder of unborn children may not have served us so well. Whatever the case, I have the sense that Christians of traditional moral bents do not really have a coherent view of how to rightly engage the democratic order, or how to rightly relate to it. There is in the drama of these Statements and Declarations something of an unstated intuition that we know we are going to lose. Then again, when considering the 20th century on a worldwide scale, the century that produced more Christian martyrs than any other, we perhaps ought to expect as much. Perhaps there is some good in overcoming American exceptionalism by making clear that we see that this is the direction that this nation is headed, and by stating, firmly, that in that event we know our right place is in the cells, or, if need be, the gallows.
With +Basil and +Job, two of our best signed the Declaration. They are two men who, I suppose few would doubt, are willing to be taken outside the gates for the sake of Christ. What is notable about this Declaration is that it so forthrightly draws the line in the sand and proclaims that the signers are willing to suffer for their commitment to truth. Yes, there is an element of display in this. But in modern memory, when certain types of changes have taken place in governmental orders, signers of statements like these have been 'taken care of.' Would that more bishops would sign.
Years ago, when I was involved with the more 'radical' wing of the pro-life movement, and after the RICO laws were passed, there was a call for persons in a state in life where it was prudent to make the commitment to continue the old tactics of shutting down death mills. Few did. Two of my friends from those days, brothers, remain in prison. I remember one of them saying to me that if the bishops (they were Catholic) would make a fervent, direct appeal, the jails would be so full of those who stood against state sanctioned murder that the state would not know what to do with them. When I think of Catholic Charities having to cease helping children, and the increasing amount of individuals and institutions in health care with their backs against the wall because of non-complicity with the abortion industry, I again wonder why Catholic and Orthodox bishops do not, simply, clearly, and fervently, admonish all those whose station in life prudently allows it to fill the prisons by way of non-violent civil disobedience. Those in prison could be visited and supported daily by those not in prison. What have we to lose?




